Wagner and Blackwater are now familiar names. Behind these private military societies – the visible and known part of an economy that has become plethoric – is deployed a sprawling network of more discreet structures. This market, estimated at several hundred billion dollars, redefines the rules of the conflict. With him, war changes his face.
Their perimeter of action is vast. From Ukraine to Gaza, from the Sahel to the United States, these companies intervene far beyond the battlefields alone. They are also present during natural disasters or in humanitarian aid. In Gaza, for example, the foundation responsible for distributing food is backed by an American security company, Safe Reach Solutions.
These companies mainly pursue a commercial objective: signing contracts, “because their sole reason for being is profit,” said Thierry Garcia, professor at the University of Toulon on Wednesday in the RTS morning. “They also feed on all conflicting situations, disasters. Especially in the United States, in the event of major disasters, private military companies operate on purely civilian fields,” he said.
Their only reason for being is profit
Their employees, “contractors”, are often former soldiers or intelligence members. But beware, do not confuse them with mercenaries. The founders, on the majority, come from special forces.
Their role was revealed to the general public during the wars of Iraq and Afghanistan, specifically through scandals that shocked public opinion: CACI, subcontractor of the American army, was recognized in 2024 by a federal jury for acts of torture committed in Abu Ghraib, or even Blackwater, whose contractors killed seventeen civilians 2007.
Legal vagueness
For Thierry Garcia, the legal framework surrounding these companies remains vague. International humanitarian law, in particular the Geneva Conventions, only applies to mercenaries, defined as individuals participating directly in hostilities without being attached to a Party State.
“However, we saw, with Wagner and Blackwater in Afghanistan, that they could not be legally qualified as mercenaries,” he recalls.
In Russia, under the Russian Constitution and Criminal Code, Wagner is completely illegal
Valère Llobet, doctoral student in political science and specialist in private military societies, underlines a second legal vagueness. The main international tool in this area, the Montreux document, adopted in 2008 and signed by 59 countries, sets out 73 recommendations to supervise the activities of these companies. But “the problem”, he specifies, is that this document “has no binding character”.
This legal vagueness leaves the States a large room for maneuver to define, or ignore, their own legal framework. It all depends on their will. For example, “in Russia, by virtue of the Russian Constitution and Criminal Code, Wagner is completely illegal”, illustrates Valère Llobet.
The promise of a warless war
States first use these companies for economic reasons. “These contractors often come from poor countries, like Colombia. They are recruited everywhere,” said Thierry Garcia. Some are even taken from prisons, as in Russia, to go and fight on the forehead. According to him, these “people do the dirty job”.
These people do the dirty job
If this type of people is used, it is because their death is politically painless: no military ceremony, no coffin, no flag. Even a war with “zero dead” in appearance.
Another advantage of private companies, discretion. By using an actor who does not officially represent the State, the latter can afford to act without engaging their responsibility. Act without being responsible: this is the promise.
Sujet Radio: Miruna Coca-Cozma
Adaptation web: Miroslav Mares